At 6 p.m. on the 27th, McClellan reported to Halleck that he had received a copy of Pope’s 10 a.m. wire to Halleck requesting all forces be sent to Pope’s right, northwest of Manassas. Halleck found McClellan far less responsive. The future general socialized with Philadelphia Whigs and learned to view the world as a place where the forces of enlightened moderation battled those of narrow-minded passion and extremism. Yet Franklin is too weak alone. It was a controversial war that bitterly divided American public opinion. The Battle of Antietam, in which Lee’s army might have been crushed with its back to the Potomac, ended as a crimson stalemate. Richard Daley, mayor of Chicago through the 1960s and early 1970's. Our line of historical magazines includes America's Civil War, American History, Aviation History, Civil War Times, Military History, MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History, Vietnam, Wild West and World War II. The third child of Dr. George McClellan and Elizabeth Brinton, McClellan briefly attended the University of Pennsylvania in 1840 before leaving to pursue legal studies. He holds the two men by their lapels and asserts, "The Union must be preserved at all hazards!" Halleck reasoned, “You are 30 miles from Richmond and General Pope 80 or 90, with the enemy directly between you, ready to fall with his superior numbers upon one or the other, as he may elect.” McClellan’s own inflated estimates of Confederate strength were now working against him. Bored with the law, McClellan elected to seek a military career two years later. A balanced understanding of who McClellan was and the forces that made him is sorely lacking in today’s historiography, however. It is impossible to answer this question with any degree of certainty, but it is hard to see how the presence of another corps could have hurt Federal prospects at Second Manassas. The War Department pointed out to him that his men’s 90-day enlistments would be up before he could train them, outfit them and march them to Nashville. McClellan, a superb organizer, quickly organized and drilled it, winning the hearts of his men in the process. Hello world! HistoryNet.com is brought to you by Historynet LLC, the world's largest publisher of history magazines. . The next day he gloated in a letter to Mary Ellen: “I believe I have triumphed! School Texas Christian University; Course Title SOCI 10603; Uploaded By loveyoumoonlight. On August 26, Stonewall had started his 24,000 “foot cavalry” northwest from the Rappahannock on a long march to Salem, Va., then headed east through Thoroughfare Gap in the Blue Ridge. USA Today, September 18, 2003, 21A. He had good reason to be. And while Lincoln also became a Whig, few members of the party came to exemplify the worldview of the Practical Whigs more than Lincoln, who embraced its highly partisan democratic spirit. ... Pfc. Many Whigs, McClellan among them, shared an aversion to the “mob rule” of what they saw as excess democracy ushered in by the election of Andrew Jackson. The battered Southern army was permitted to withdraw without serious pursuit. The return of their beloved Little Mac to lead them again, however, buoyed the Union troops’ spirits, and McClellan’s organization skills once again served that army well. By 1852, however, his attachment to the party of his youth had been shattered by profound changes in American politics. He was also a superb operational commander, who came close in the early spring of 1862 to achieving a truly decisive victory against a Confederacy that was in the prime of its military life. Would its arrival on August 28 or 29 have tipped the tide of battle on the plains of Manassas in Pope’s favor? In response, Lee sent generals “Stonewall” Jackson and then A.P. Meanwhile Pope had moved his 45,000-man army across the Rapidan River toward Gordonsville and the Virginia Central Railroad—a maneuver that could trap Lee’s army between McClellan’s forces and his own. Katherine Anne Porter, novelist (Ship of Fools). He lost the election and resigned his army commission the same day. And he was famously unwilling to accord sufficient respect to his commander in chief, Abraham Lincoln. It will not do to delay longer.”. He told John Hay, “McClellan has acted badly in this matter, but we must use what tools we have.” Little Mac had repeatedly disobeyed orders, and was perhaps guilty of a bit of treason. What’s more, McClellan was an insightful and sophisticated strategist whose blueprint for ending the rebellion was probably the only one that had a chance of doing so quickly—if indeed such a victory for the Union was possible. He embarked upon the Peninsula Campaign, landing his forces near Fortress Monroe in the Virginia peninsula and advancing on Richmond. Appointed in 1861 by Ohio Governor William Dennison, West Point graduate George Brinton McClellan quickly rose from retired captain to major general in the Union army. In a campaign that became known as the Battle of the Seven Days, Lee’s men forced McClellan back down the peninsula.The disappointed Lincoln replaced McClellan as general in chief of the armies with Henry Halleck, and the Army of the Potomac was placed under Maj. Gen. John Pope, until the latter met with disaster on the old Manassas battlefield in the Second Battle of Bull Run. However that may be I am sure that it is all for the best.” The next day he wrote her that supporters had been urging him to “march on Washington & assume the Govt! McClellan and many other Whigs shifted their political loyalties to the Northern Democratic Party, which, led by Stephen A. Douglas, seemed the best hope for preventing extremists in both sections from tearing the country apart. When Halleck conferred with McClellan in Virginia on July 26, McClellan told him that with 20,000 reinforcements he could resume the offensive against Lee’s “200,000” troops. By the time McClellan left the Army in 1857 to work for the railroads, the Whig Party was dead and the Republican Party had taken its place in the North. However, George B. McClellan’s infamous penchant for procrastination was in … McClellan had moved north to Alexandria by August 27 and reported to Mary Ellen that he had heard a general engagement was probable that day or the next near Warrenton. Longstreet, however, launched a full-scale infantry assault of his own, sweeping the Federals from the field. We now know that this was a consequence of Pope’s effort to respond to the opportunity presented by part of Jackson’s command being for a time isolated and trapped on the Federal side of the river, that Federal authorities elsewhere were ignorant of this because the Catlett’s Station raid had prevented this information from being fully reported to Washington and (there being no direct communication between Falmouth and Pope) forwarded to Aquia Creek, and no harm was done to Porter’s command. Jackson’s troops rebuffed the attacks. That corps must push forward, as I directed.”, Responding at 8 p.m., McClellan said, “It was not safe for Franklin to move beyond Annandale, under the circumstances, until we knew what was at Vienna.” He admitted Franklin had been with him until 1 p.m. arranging for supplies—proof that the corps commander had not moved with his troops when they supposedly marched at 6 a.m. McClellan and Lincoln actually got an opportunity to take each other’s measure before the war. McClellan could not have missed that Lincoln was a Whig, and it’s clear from his memoir that the general looked back on his early interactions with Lincoln with some degree of warmth. President Abraham Lincoln also hoped Pope and McClellan would cooperate. When a guy clearly objects to something you have told him to do and then you give him discretion in the matter . Message to George B. McClellan, April 9, 1862 Lincoln's opponent in the Presidential election of 1864, George McClellan, had once been the commander of the Army of the Potomac. Mikhail Bulgakov, Russian novelist (Notes of a Dead Man, Heart of a Dog). That sorry state of affairs led directly to the Union defeat at Manassas in late August 1862. The two had their differences even then, as this letter from Lincoln to the general indicates. The adherence to Whig values and principles explains a lot about McClellan’s behavior during the Civil War. In the Philadelphia of the 1820s and 1830s where McClellan was raised, the Whig Party took up the mantle of the failed and dismantled Federalist and National Republican parties as the champions of the political, economic and cultural interests and values of the emerging up wardly mobile Northern middle class to which the McClellans belonged. Halleck put McClellan in charge of sending troops out from Alexandria, not realizing that Franklin’s corps had not yet marched. Pope launched a series of costly frontal assaults on Jackson’s troops on August 29, as Longstreet was getting into position. (Rodney Bryant and Daniel Woolfolk/Military Times)... Homepage Featured Top Stories, Homepage Hero. In a 10 a.m. telegram, Halleck ordered McClellan to have Brig. McClellan and the War To McClellan, the war was a product of what Statesmen Whigs had always feared: The forces of passion and extremism—i.e., secessionists in the South and antislavery radicals in the North—had gained control of the nation’s councils. Taylor then promptly stumbled into an ambush by Stonewall Jackson’s command that pulverized his command. Like McClellan, Lincoln was a member of the upwardly mobile middle class— concerned with self-improvement, discipline and consciously arranged order—that was the backbone of the Whig Party in the North. Ultimately, McClellan halted Franklin’s corps at Annandale, within hearing of the fighting at Manassas. Then, add in the fact that the thing you want the guy to do is against his professional judgment, involves supporting a policy turn he has made abundantly clear he believes will be to the detriment of the country and cause, and involves helping another individual whose appointment and conduct since his appointment had been one calculated personal and professional insult after another. Of course, you cannot escape the fact that, right or wrong, McClellan should have complied with the clearly expressed wishes of his superiors in regard to Franklin’s corps. Ed Bonekemper, author of McClellan and Failure, teaches at Muhlenberg College. The most critical of those was the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. On August 3, Halleck again telegraphed McClellan to move his army, but McClellan responded: “Your telegram…caused me the greatest pain I ever experienced, for I am convinced that the order to withdraw this Army to Aquia Creek will prove disastrous….”. Bonekemper is on much more solid ground in his condemnation of McClellan’s controversial handling of William B. Franklin’s corps. Before 1850, the two men would have been on the same side of the political fence, unified by their antipathy toward the values of the Democratic Party. To try to keep the Rebels off balance and counter McClellan’s lack of success, the Northern high command created the Army of Virginia in late June, assigning Maj. Gen. John Pope as its commander and ordering him to put pressure on Richmond from the west. At that point Halleck realized a merger of McClellan and Pope’s armies was imperative. Little Mac must have asked himself how a man so eminently reasonable in his professional life, and who was clearly not a fanatic, could be so divisive, sectionalist and unstatesmanlike politically. He claimed as a triumph the move to the James River that carried his army away from the gates of Richmond during the Peninsula Campaign in 1862 and was actually aboard a steamboat while fighting raged at Glendale during the Seven Days’. Yet dedicated Whig party leaders such as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster had significant influence on McClellan, and the general’s professional role model was Winfield Scott, a military hero who became the last Whig candidate for president. He added: “Please give distinct orders in reference to Franklin’s movements of to-morrow….In regard to tomorrow’s movements I desire definite instructions as it is not agreeable to me to be accused of disobeying orders when I have simply exercised the discretion you committed to me.”. Over time, though, Lincoln would alter his views in a manner that put him more in line with what the more partisan and radical members of his party were advocating—paralleling the course he had followed in Illinois. Lincoln also indulged in harsher rhetoric regarding the South and slavery. That Halleck unwisely gave him discretion on the matter at a critical moment is to Halleck’s discredit; and given that Halleck’s appointment—indeed, the whole lousy situation in August 1862—was Lincoln’s call, to the president’s discredit as well. While that might have worked in McClellan’s favor, the Democrats’ promise to immediately negotiate peace terms with the Confederacy did not sit well with many of the men in uniform. By August 20, McClellan had finally reached Fort Monroe. I have done my best for my country—I expect nothing in return—they are my debtors, not I theirs….” On the 20th, after learning that Henry Halleck had been appointed general-in-chief of the Union Army, McClellan threatened: “I cannot remain permanently in the army after this slight. But, being ignorant of much of this at the time, it would not have been at all surprising for doubts to be planted or reinforced in McClellan’s mind about the wisdom of sending forces out to Pope and for him to be intensely skeptical moving forward about the reliability of assurances that it could be done safely. Had those thousands of fresh troops been committed against the weakened defenders, Little Mac might well have destroyed Lee’s army then and there, shortening the war considerably. I am tired of guesses.”, That afternoon, while the fighting raged at Manassas, Lincoln telegraphed McClellan: “What news from direction of Mannassas [sic] Junction?” Clearly hoping to have Lincoln second-guess Halleck’s orders, McClellan told the president he had reports the enemy was retiring, then outlined the options as he saw them and requested orders: “I am clear that one of two courses should be adopted—1st To concentrate all our available forces to open communication with Pope—2nd To leave Pope to get out of his scrape & at once use all our means to make the Capital perfectly safe. In short order, Lincoln’s War Department promoted him to command the entire Department of the Ohio, which soon expanded to stretch from western Virginia (now West Virginia) to Missouri. McClellan could have been there to help Pope, but he deliberately failed him. Little Mac and Old Abe Unlike McClellan, Lincoln had raised himself up from humble beginnings in the egalitarian, rough-and-tumble world of the Western frontier, and he never lost his sense of connection with the common man. At 4:10 that afternoon he telegraphed Halleck that Franklin was still in no condition to move but might be the next morning, adding that Pope should cut through to Washington. Moreover, to his eternal discredit, McClellan was clearly content to leave Pope and, more important, thousands of Union soldiers out to dry. C what was the significance of george mcclellan good. Then, of course, there is the question of whether Franklin’s command would have done any good had McClellan fully complied with the wishes of his superiors. Had McClellan promptly moved those 25,000 troops from Alexandria to Manassas, he could have enhanced Pope’s chances for victory. Lincoln cautiously responded that the first alternative was best, but deferred to Halleck. They are not, however, the entire story. The Role of the Whigs McClellan’s adherence to Whig policies merits significant attention. Just received a telegram from Halleck stating that Pope and Burnside are very hard pressed—urging me to push forward reinforcements, & to come myself as soon as I possibly can!…Now they are in trouble they seem to want the ‘Quaker,’ the ‘procrastinator,’ the ‘coward’ & the ‘traitor’!”, Writing on August 22, McClellan told his wife: “I think they are pretty well scared in Washn & probably with good reason. At Chipyong-ni an outnumbered regimental combat team turned the tide of the Korean War... Get inside articles from the world's premier publisher of history magazines. Lamentably, while generally correct that August 1862 was a dark episode in McClellan’s military career—and indeed the entire Civil War—in his zeal to condemn the general, Bonekemper omits several important points that must be taken into account; not to exonerate McClellan, but to provide a more complete and balanced understanding of the whole episode. He specifically stated, “If you wish any of them to move toward Manassas please inform me.” Just 51⁄2 hours earlier Halleck had ordered him not to lose a minute in forwarding as many troops as possible toward Manassas, orders McClellan had disobeyed. While the problems Porter encountered as he marched to join Pope resulted in no serious harm to his command, the same could not be said of what happened to George Taylor’s brigade on August 27. However, when Porter reached the point where he and McClellan had been told they would find elements from Pope’s army, they found it abandoned. The next morning at dawn, Union Major General Joseph Hooker led his corps to mount a strong assault on Lee's left flank. McClellan’s defeat at the polls, Union victory in the spring of 1865, and Lincoln’s martyrdom soon robbed the Lincoln-McClellan relationship of political significance, although, for the rest of his life McClellan defended his reputation while Lincoln partisans mercilessly attacked it. The general’s concept of warfare and his antipathy toward Abraham Lincoln had their roots in prewar politics. It also offers the opportunity to reevaluate and better understand one of the most important topics in Civil War military and political history—McClellan’s relationship with Abraham Lincoln. Maj. Gen. Hooker's division on the right pushed forward along Williamsburg Road. After Fort Sumter was fired on and President Abraham Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to fight in the Civil War, McClellan received an appointment from William Dennison, governor of Ohio, as a major general of volunteers with command of all troops in that state. Did he? This is all contrary to my orders; investigate and report the facts of this disobedience. When the fate of the nation was in President Lincoln’s hands three years later, the general could not have had much reason for optimism based on his earlier observations in Illinois. The climax of Second Bull Run came on the afternoon of August 30, when Pope ordered an all-out attack on Jackson. var NetMarketingAdvisers_goal = { id: "1275" }; Civil War Times Editor Dana Shoaf shares the story of how Battery H of the 3rd Pennsylvania Heavy Artillery found itself in the middle of the Battle of Gettysburg. Fortune favored McClellan when one of his soldiers discovered a copy of Special Orders 191 near Frederick, Maryland. Significance: One of only 2 major battles fought in the North. C What was the significance of George McClellan good organizer but not. In McClellan’s eyes, Lincoln could not possibly have adopted a “no compromise” position on slavery’s expansion and used the moralistic rhetoric of Reformer Whigs that endangered the Union because he truly believed in it. Politically, this meant building strong private and public institutions and using them to impose order, discipline and rational direction on human activity to encourage economic and cultural modernization. Of course, even if he was right and Washington was wrong on the merits of the case, it was McClellan’s duty to obey orders as promptly as was feasible. Speaking to his cabinet, the president characterized McClellan’s behavior as “shocking” and “atrocious.” But over their almost unanimous opposition Lincoln placed McClellan in command of all Washington-area troops. Shortly after George B. McClellan’s death on October 29, 1885, one admirer predicted that “History will do him justice.” When Longstreet’s Wing came onto the field that morning, they extended Jackson’s line to the south, a dangerous and hidden threat to Pope. "George McClellan: The Young Napoleon" is one of the best biographies I have read in awhile. I am confident that the disposition to be made of me will depend entirely upon the state of their nerves in Washn….Their sending for me to go to Washn only indicates a temporary alarm—if they are at all reassured you will see that they will soon get rid of me.” The next day he added: “I take it for granted that my orders will be as disagreeable as it is possible to make them—unless Pope is beaten, in which case they may want me to save Washn again. If we delay too long to get ready there will be no necessity to go at all, for Pope will either be defeated or be victorious without our aid.” At 10 p.m. McClellan replied that Franklin’s corps had been ordered to march at 6 a.m. Following his receipt of Halleck’s “not a moment must be lost” wire, McClellan defied his commander once again, responding: “Your dispatch received. The consequences of Little Mac’s jaundiced view of Lincoln were manifold. That morning, Federal authorities dispatched Taylor’s brigade from Alexandria to investigate disturbances in the vicinity of Manassas Junction. Scholarship on Little Mac has been overwhelmingly dominated by critics, from Lincoln secretaries John Nicolay and John Hay to modern historians Kenneth P. Williams, T. Harry Williams, Stephen Sears and James McPherson, all of whom have portrayed McClellan as a badly flawed commander. January 13, 2017. But by the time Halleck returned to Washington, McClellan had written changing the number of reinforcements he envisioned needing to between 50,000 and 55,000. Lee had sent “Stonewall” Jackson’s Wing to the northwest, where it tangled with and defeated a portion of Pope’s army at Cedar Mountain on August 9. Later on the morning of the 28th, McClellan wired Halleck that Pope should retreat to Washington—which seems to have alerted the general-in-chief to McClellan’s disobedience of earlier orders. The army was renamed the Army of the Potomac. This began what would be the bloodiest day in all of American military history. General Disobedience: Confederate cavalry captured Bristoe Station by the evening of August 26, cutting Pope’s communications with Washington and clearing the way to attack the Union supply depot at Manassas. 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